Against Anti-White Racism

White People's Right to Privacy

Charles V, Holy Roman strongman

All ethnic groups have a right to a certain privacy, wrote Jean Thiriart, a Belgian pan-European nationalist, in his book Europe, an Empire of 400 Million. Today, Europe is the dormant empire of 740 million, boasting—depending on the definition—some two to three times the amount of white people as there are living in the USA. But in his book, originally published in French in 1964, Thiriart sublimely captured the reality of white people living with minorities.

From Chapter 2 of Jean Thiriart’s book:

To deny the difference between races is as ridiculous as to deny the fundamental difference between men of the same race. These inequalities are observable facts, experimental ethnological scientific facts. There are two attitudes as ridiculous as they are indefensible: that of racists who project into politics ethnological knowledge and that of those, like the ‘progressives’, who embarrassingly deny these same ethnological truths.

We declare that the races are different, which means that there are good and less good ones at the level of intellectual creativity. We cannot help it if the blacks have been incapable of inventing the wheel, if they have not developed a script and if, in 1900, they did not know anything about the geometry conceived 25 centuries ago by our Greek ancestors. Nevertheless, we shall not have the harshness to enlarge these inequalities.

The sorcerer’s apprentice politicians who today wish to practise a forced integration of the races will lead us to bloody social disturbances — disturbances from which, besides, it may be mentioned in passing, the whites will emerge victors from the fact of their number and their intrinsic qualities.

In the years to come, the war of the races ignited precisely by the so-called anti-racists is going to transplant the CLASS STRUGGLE with a racial one and give it a cruel significance. The only wise solution consists in the formula of cohabitation and of good neighbourliness — of the states politically controlled by the blacks (the ex-Belgian Congo, for example), where the whites will be welcomed as guests but without political rights and, on the other hand, of states politically controlled by whites (Transvaal for example), where the blacks are accepted as guests but without political rights.

Any other solution, that of integration, for example, will lead to a social reclassification, in which the blacks will form a sort of sub-proletariat. A country like Brazil, which is absolutely not ‘racist’, manifests the racial differences de facto by the differences in social level. And this is more humiliating for the people of colour. They cannot have any more illusions: they are in their place.

There exist within the ethnic groups private interests that it would be dangerous to break. The Jewish community, for example, has in our country numerous Jewish schools — subsidised by the state, like the others. Nobody would have the absurd idea of forcing the Jewish community to accept into their schools little Flemish children. If one did that, one would immediately cry out about a crime against humanity. But when the white community refuses to mix with heterogeneous black elements, as in the United States, the conscience of humanity, duly directed and orchestrated, feels offended.

When a father of a family refuses the hand of his daughter to a suitor (of the same race as his family) because the latter is a good-for-nothing, uncultivated or unstable, everybody — rightly — finds that normal and fair. But if the same white father conducts himself in this way with regard to a black BECAUSE THIS BLACK IS ALSO a good-for-nothing, uncultivated and unstable, people will cry out about murderous racism.

This situation cannot leave us indifferent. Anti-racism has, in the last ten years, become a machine destined to give a guilt-complex to the Europeans. We have been colonisers and not colonialists as people try to make us believe.

We have taught the blacks everything, including the technologies that they turn against us today. Anti-racism, which happens to be politically an instrument in the hands of the sworn enemies of Europe, is in fact an anti-white racism that does not dare speak its name.

When they assassinate whites in Katanga,⁴⁴ the press sends out a short notice of 10 lines. When a black singer is beaten by a white on a road in Mississippi, the television gratifies us with a 15-minute broadcast. A black student has never been raped in Paris or in Brussels; however, not a month passes in the black countries recently freed from our tutelage without there being a violation of white women.

In the hysteria of racial masochism, certain whites, contemptible specimens of their groups, begin to conduct themselves like intellectual homosexuals. In the Belgian universities, the bad black students are not failed because the academic authorities apply pressure to see that inferiority complexes do not arise among the blacks. A mediocre or stupid black student has a right to a diploma that is refused to a similar stupid white.

Our correctional tribunals punish whites who fight against blacks in the dance clubs with six months in prison — it is not a question here of Fascists but of party animals, and for the same fights between whites and in the same conditions the penal sentence is eight days in prison with reprieve. They try to make blacks sacred cows. That is supremely annoying. We condemn the projection of racism into politics and we say that a superiority born of a difference does not justify an exploitation or a genocide that we forbid ourselves from practising for moral reasons and not for reasons of absence of power in our leaders — we demand that the others do the same.

We whites do not have to produce guilt complexes to cure the blacks of their present inferiority complexes.